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全球拍卖首页 > Sotheby's HK > 中国艺术珍品 > Lot 3746
An imperial cloisonné enamel ritual vessel, kundika, Mark and period of Qianlong | 清乾隆 御製掐絲琺瑯纏枝蓮紋奔巴瓶 《乾隆年製》款
香港 北京时间
2023年04月08日 开拍 / 2023年04月06日 截止委托
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Lot Details Description Property of a Gentleman An imperial cloisonné enamel ritual vessel, kundika, Mark and period of Qianlong 士紳收藏 清乾隆 御製掐絲琺瑯纏枝蓮紋奔巴瓶 《乾隆年製》款 20 cm Condition report Provenance A French private collection. 法國私人收藏 Catalogue note Ritual Object as Auspicious Image A Qianlong Cloisonné Enamel 'Lotus' Ritual Vessel Zhang Rong The terms?benba?and?biba?recur frequently in the Qinggong neiwufu zaobanchu dang’an zonghui,1?Gugong bowuyuan Qinggong chenshe dang’an,2?,?and?Qinggong ciqi dang’an quanji.3?They appear variously, sometimes within the same record, in the form of four synonymous terms:?benbaping,?bibahu,?benbaping, and?benbahu, with?benba?occurring more frequently than?biba.4?Both?benba?and?biba?are phonetic transliterations of the Tibetan word for “vase”. In Chinese,?hu?refers to vases with mouths or spouts, and?ping?refers to vases without them. This distinction does not exist in Tibetan. Following the existing convention of related publications, we therefore refer to the ritual vessel on offer as?benbahu?in Chinese, in which this vessel type is also called?junchi,5?jingping, and?zangcao ping. The form of Qing-dynasty ritual vessels evolved from earlier bronze and porcelain prototypes. Qing palace records and extant objects suggest a range of materials for these vessels: gold, gold inset with precious stones (fig. 1),6?silver (fig. 2), silver with gold gilding, bronze with enamel painting, bronze with cloisonné (fig. 3), as well as porcelain of blue-and-white, underglaze red,?yangcai, and other types. This essay presents a very rare cloisonné ritual vessel from the Qianlong period. It measures 20 centimetres in height, and bears red, lapis blue, yellow, white, and green lotus scrolls executed in cloisonné on an azure enamel ground. The centre of the base is incised with a lotus cross, and above it the reign mark?Qianlong nian zhi?is inscribed in horizontal regular script. The compositions of the lotus scrolls on this object are completely different than those in other Qianlong-period works, evoking instead the typical style of the Xuande period. Its highly saturated enamel colours likewise imitate Xuande ware. How should we understand and appreciate this Qianlong-period ritual vessel? Below I shall analyse it with regards to documentation, function, and craftsmanship. There are six entries in the Imperial Workshop archives relating primarily to the production of ritual vessels under Qianlong. Among them, the following dating to 1766 is most pertinent to the lot on offer: On the 26th day of the 4th month of the 31st year of Qianlong (1766), Foreman Side and Clerk Wude came to say that the eunuch Hu Shijie presented one cloisonné round vase with a Jingtai mark and one cloisonné ritual vessel with a Jingtai mark (each with a zitan pedestal). The emperor’s order was conveyed that a new ritual vessel with a Jingtai mark be made in accordance with the dimensions of the round vase and the form of the ritual vessel, and that it should be displayed on a Boguge cabinet. On the 15th day of the 5th month, Director Jin Hui and Valt Manager Bo Yongji presented a drawn design of the cloisonné ritual vessel to Chief Manager Li Yu, who received the emperor’s order to create two works accordingly, and to inscribe one with a Jingtai reign mark and one with a Qianlong reign mark.8 It is clear from the handful of relevant records that extremely few cloisonné ritual vessels were produced under Qianlong. Indeed, a total of only 15 examples are known to have been made between 1755 and 1777. Today, cloisonné ritual vessels of this type are exceedingly rare and survive only in several prominent public and private collections. Among them, the Palace Museum in Beijing holds one Qianlong-period cloisonné ritual vessel, and the Palace Museum in Taipei holds two (accession nos Gu fa 01.11.000016 and Zhong fa 000338 respectively).11 Tashilhunpo Monastery in Shigatse holds one example almost identical to the lot on offer in form and decorative patterning and is likewise a Qianlong-period ritual vessel after Xuande style;12 likely the work mentioned in the above entry and bestowed to the monastery by Qianlong, it has remained in there ever since. The British Museum holds a ritual vessel dated to the Xuande period (accession no. BM 1977.0718.1) and originating in the collection of Sir Harry Garner, a renowned British collector of Chinese art. In 1977, Sir Garner donated the vessel to the museum to commemorate the retirement of his good friend Douglas Barrett from his position as head of the Department of Far Eastern Art.13??The renowned Taiwan collection Le Cong Tang, owns one Xuande-period ritual vessel with lotus scrolls. This appeared on auction at Sotheby’s Hong Kong in September 2018 and is the only known example of the type in private hands. The Qing imperial family favoured Tibetan Buddhism, and the Qianlong Emperor was an especially fervent believer and supporter of it. The Forbidden City and other Qing imperial gardens and residences housed numerous Tibetan Buddhist shrines and temples of various scales. Among them, Yuhuage (Pavilion of Raining Flowers), Baoxianglou (Hall of the Auspicious Image), Forilou (Hall of the Sun-like Buddha), and Fanhualou (Hall of Buddhist Efflorescence) are still extant and celebrated for their interior settings well preserved for two centuries, with various Buddhist icons, thangkas, and ritual objects and votive vessels together creating an atmosphere of mystical solemnity. Fanhualou and Baoxianglou house twelve monumental cloisonné Tibetan Buddhist pagodas, and Yuhuage houses a monumental cloisonné mandala. Forming complete and beautiful ensembles of tormas (baling), five-piece altars (wugong), Seven Royal Treasures (qizhen), and Eight Treasures (babao), these objects symbolise the utmost sophistication in enamelware. These Buddhist shrines did not only express Qianlong’s devoutness but were also intended as displays of the finest art and craft objects. Dedicated to perfecting these displays, Qianlong attended to them as a painstaking connoisseur and curator, personally designing the requisite objects, reviewing and revising designs by others, and specifying the finished works’ placements and arrangements. The same was true for cloisonné ritual vessels created under his reign: in some cases, he ordered them to be doubly14?and even triply15?gilded and for the characters?toudeng?(first class) to be inscribed on their pedestals.16?Cloisonné ritual vessels served primarily as imperial gifts and display objects. In a 1763 entry in the Imperial Workshop archives, Qianlong himself is recorded to have ordered that ritual vessels be “bestowed to lamas during the year’s holidays and festivals.”17?A survey of Yongzheng- and Qianlong-period entries of the Imperial Workshop archives reveals that from 1725 onwards, a majority of gifts given to the Panchen18?and Dalai19?Lamas every year were porcelain, glass, and enamel objects. Furthermore, ritual vessels were also displayed in Buddhist shrines and palaces, including Qianqinggong, the Buddha Hall of Ningshougong, Yangxingdian, and Chonghuagong in the Forbidden City, Jiuzhou Qingyan and Chunhuaxuan in the Old Summer Palace, and Yong’an Monastery?– all important sites for the Qing imperial family. Above I have enumerated extant imperial cloisonné ritual vessels and palace records connected to their production. Can we determine when the lot on offer was created? All known and extant cloisonné ritual vessels were made during two periods: Xuande of the Ming and Qianlong of the Qing. The reign mark?Jingtai nian zhi?was inscribed on Xuande-period vases during their own time, but during the Kangxi and Qianlong periods it was also added retrospectively to unmarked Xuande-period vases and to Qing vases.20?Consider as an example the Xuande-style cloisonné ritual vessel with lotus scrolls at the Palace Museum (fig. 4). Its base bears a lotus cross and an inscription of the reign mark?Da Ming Jingtai nian zhi, both added during the Qianlong period (thus postdating the Xuande period). Most likely, the “cloisonné ritual vessel with Jingtai reign mark” mentioned in the 1766 entry in the Imperial Workshop archives was an authentic Xuande-period work that was later inscribed with a Jingtai reign mark and taken as a model and reproduced under Qianlong. The close correspondence between the lot on offer and the Tashilhunpo Monastery example suggests that they are very likely the very same two works mentioned in the 1766 entry of the Imperial Workshop archives. Reading the 1766 entry again closely, we find further support for the identification of the lot on offer as one of the two cloisonné ritual vessels created on Qianlong’s order in that year. First, the entry indicates that a “cloisonné ritual vessel with a Jingtai reign mark” was already in the palace. Research into the Palace Museum collection suggests that Xuande-period cloisonné enamelware were sometimes inscribed with Jingtai reign marks during the Qing, and since ritual vessels were made only during the Xuande and Qianlong reigns, we may safely deduce that the example mentioned in the 1766 entry was authentic Xuande-period cloisonné enamelware. Second, the same entry records that the Imperial Workshop, on Qianlong’s order, used the existing cloisonné ritual vessel with a Jingtai reign mark as a model to create two new cloisonné ritual vessels. The lot on offer bears the characteristics of Xuande-period ritual vessels in decorative patterning, form, and enamel colours, and was doubtlessly created after a Xuande-period original. Third, the entry also records that the two newly created vases were inscribed respectively with a Jingtai and a Qianlong reign mark. The latter is probably the example preserved today in Tashilhunpo Monastery. Although its base is unfortunately missing, it is completely identical to the lot on offer in form, decorative patterning, and enamel colours. From the above we may safely conclude that the lot on offer and the example in Tashilhunpo Monastery were the very two ritual vessels created in 1776 and documented in the above-cited entry in the Imperial Workshop archives. Symbolising the fusion of Manchu, Tibetan, and Han Chinese cultures, cloisonné ritual vessels of the Qianlong period expressed the emperor’s aesthetic preferences and veneration of Tibetan Buddhism. Solemn and robust in form, these vases are dazzling in their enamel colours, which imitated the Xuande-period style and differed greatly from other Qianlong-period cloisonné.21?The lotus scrolls on these cloisonné ritual vessels likewise imitated Xuande style, and closely resemble those on a Xuande-period cloisonné tripod dish at the Musée des Arts Décoratifs in Paris (fig. 5).22?The Qianlong Emperor was truly unsurpassed in his reverence for classical models and willingness to challenge himself. The year 2023 marks the 50th anniversary of Sotheby’s Hong Kong and coincides with the Chinese Year of the Rabbit. Fortuitously, the Qianlong Emperor himself was born in another Year of the Rabbit (1711). This short essay is thus a double commemoration. ???????????????? 1?The First Historical Archives of China and the Art Museum of the Chinese University of Hong Kong, eds.,?Qinggong neiwufu zaobanchu dang’an zonghui?[General collection of archival records from the Qing imperial household department workshop], 55 volumes, Beijing, 2005. 2?Gugong bowuyuan cang Qinggong chenshe dang’an [Records of Qing palace furnishings of the Palace Museum],?45 volumes, Beijing, 2013. 3?Tie Yuan, Qinggong ciqi dang’an quanji [Complete collection of the ceramics of the Qing palace], 52 volumes, Beijing, 2008. 4?See note 1, p. 3. 5?Wang Guangyao and Jiang Xinjian, eds,?Mingdai Hongwu Yongle yuyao ciqi [Ming Hongwu and Yongle imperial ceramics], Beijing, 2015: “Junchi?is a transliteration from a Sanskrit word meaning a ‘pure vase’ or ‘pure can.’ The vessel was originally an Indian water vessel and was later endowed with religious significance by Buddhists. It appeared in China from the Sui-Tang period through the Qing, varying in form and style over time.” 6?This work in the Palace Museum is likely the “gold-gilded lapis ritual vessel” mentioned in an entry in the Imperial Workshop archives dated to the 20th year of the Qianlong reign. 7?Fig. 3 illustrates the typical lotus scrolls of Qianlong-period cloisonné. 8?See note 1, pp. 433-4. 9?Illustrated in Li Jiufang, ed.,?The Complete Collection of Treasures of the Palace Museum. Metal-bodied Enamel Ware, Shanghai, 2001, pl. 3. 10?Robert Tsao,?Important Cloisonné Vessels from the Le Cong Tang Collection, Sotheby’s Hong Kong, 2018, pp. 26-27. 11?Chen Xiasheng,?Enamel Ware in the Ming and Chine Dynasties, Taipei, 1999, cat. no. 60.?The Mystery of the Jingtai Cloisonné Unveiled, Taipei, 2022, p. 192. 12?The writer has seen images of the object first-hand. 13?Jessica Rawson,?The British Museum Book of Chinese Art, London, 1992, p. 140. 14?See note 1, vol. 33, pp. 661-2. 15?Ibid., vol. 30, pp. 433-4 and vol. 33, pp. 666-7. 16?Ibid., vol. 33, pp. 690-1. 17?Ibid., vol. 28, pp. 508-9. 18?Ibid., vol. 1, p. 524. 19?Ibid. 20?Among enamelware, cloisonné with Jingtai reign marks present the greatest problems of authentication and dating, which scholars such as myself are actively tackling. 21?See fig. 3. 22?Cloisonné: Chinese Enamels from the Yuan, Ming and Qing Dynasties,?New York, 2011, p. 37. 法物吉相 乾隆御製銅胎掐絲琺瑯纏枝蓮紋奔巴瓶 張榮 「奔巴」或「賁巴」一詞在《清宮內務府造辦處檔案總匯》1 （以下簡稱《清檔》）《故宮博物院藏清宮陳設檔案》2 《清宮瓷器檔案全集》3 中頻繁出現，有奔巴瓶、奔巴壺、賁巴瓶、賁巴壺四種寫法，「奔巴」多於「賁巴」。有時在同一條檔案中，瓶、壺混用。4 「奔巴」或「賁巴」是藏語「瓶」的音譯，藏語中不論是瓶還是壺統稱為「奔巴」。漢語中，有嘴或流者為壺，無者為瓶。故我們按照藏語習慣以及與很多出版物保持一致的原則，將本文介紹的文物定名為「奔巴瓶」。在瓷器中也有「軍持」5 、「淨瓶」和「藏草瓶」之名。清代奔巴瓶、奔巴壺的造型也是從早期銅器、瓷器演變而來。從清宮檔案與實物看，製作奔巴瓶的材質有幾種，即金、金嵌寶石（圖一）6 、銀（圖二）、銀鎏金、銅胎畫琺瑯、銅胎掐絲琺瑯（圖三）和青花、釉裏紅、洋彩等瓷器。 本文隆重推介的乾隆款掐絲琺瑯奔巴瓶，高20公分。天藍色琺瑯釉為地，掐絲內填紅、青金藍、黃、白、綠等色纏枝蓮紋。器底正中陰刻十字形蓮花杵紋，其上方陰刻「乾隆年製」楷書橫款。蓮紋的構圖與清代乾隆時期紋樣截然不同，7 呈現出典型的宣德風格，其琺瑯釉質亦在追求模仿宣德韻味，色澤更為純正濃厚。如何解讀、欣賞這件乾隆奔巴瓶呢？筆者試圖從檔案、功用、工藝特點幾個角度進行解讀。 筆者梳理了乾隆朝造辦處活計檔，製作掐絲琺瑯奔巴壺或奔巴瓶的有如下六條比較重要。 乾隆二十年十月二十七日琺瑯作，員外郎白世秀來說太監胡世傑交金鑲松石奔巴壺一件，青花白地奔巴瓶一件，掐絲琺瑯奔巴瓶一件。傳旨：俱交琺瑯處。將掐絲琺瑯奔巴瓶照樣畫樣呈覽。再照青花白地奔巴壺款式變別花樣亦畫樣呈覽。其金鑲松石奔巴壺放粗高些。欽此。於十一月初七日員外郎達子將畫得金鑲松石奔巴壺紙樣一張，青花白地奔巴瓶紙樣一張，掐絲琺瑯奔巴瓶紙樣一張持進，交太監胡世傑呈覽。奉旨：照樣准做掐絲琺瑯三件。欽此。於二十一年四月三十日員外郎達子將做得掐絲琺瑯奔巴壺三件持進，交太監胡世傑呈進訖。8 乾隆二十八年三月初十日接得庫掌赫達塞栢永吉押帖一件，內開二月初十日太監如意傳旨：照先做過掐絲琺瑯有蓋奔巴壺做九件，年節賞喇嘛用，先畫樣呈覽。欽此。於三月初二日庫掌赫達塞栢永吉將畫得掐絲琺瑯有蓋奔巴壺紙樣三張，交太監如意呈覽。奉旨：每樣著做一對。欽此。9 乾隆三十一年四月二十六日琺瑯作，催長四德、筆帖式五德來說太監胡世傑交景泰款掐絲琺瑯元（圓）瓶一件（博古格）、景泰款掐絲琺瑯奔巴瓶一件（各隨紫檀木座），傳旨：著按元（圓）瓶尺寸照奔巴瓶樣式，另燒造景泰款奔巴瓶一件，得時在博古格換擺。欽此。於五月十五日郎中金輝、庫掌栢永吉將畫得掐絲琺瑯奔巴瓶紙樣一張交總管李裕呈覽，奉旨：照樣准做二件，內一件刻景泰款，一件刻乾隆款。10 乾隆三十五年正月初五日琺瑯作，庫掌四德、五德來說太監胡世傑交掐絲琺瑯奔巴壺一件（永安寺蓮花室有地方，木座在本處），傳旨：著照樣燒造二件，按例加三倍鍍金，刻乾隆年製款，先畫樣呈覽。欽此。於本年四月初一日將原交出掐絲琺瑯奔巴壺一件，栢唐阿吉文持赴永安寺，交太監馬進忠訖。於四月二十九日庫掌四德五德將做得掐絲琺瑯奔巴壺二件加倍鍍得金持進，交太監胡世傑呈進，奉旨：一件交乾清宮，一件配座，得時擺淳化軒。欽此。11 乾隆三十五年琺瑯作，四月十六日接得員外郎栢永吉押帖一件，內開本月初七日太監胡世傑交掐絲琺瑯奔巴瓶一件（隨木座九洲清晏有地方）傳旨：著照樣做一件，加倍鍍金，得時在淳化軒擺。欽此。12 乾隆四十二年正月十七日琺瑯作，員外郎四德、庫掌五德來說太監如意交掐絲琺瑯奔巴瓶一件（高雲情）傳旨：著樣燒造一件欽此。於三月二十五日郎中栢永吉將做得掐絲琺瑯奔巴瓶一件，交太監如意呈覽，奉旨：著再鍍金三遍欽此。於四月初三日郎中栢永吉將做得掐絲琺瑯奔巴瓶一件交太監如意呈覽，奉旨：著交造辦處配座，欽此。於四月初五日員外郎四德庫掌五德將掐絲琺瑯奔巴瓶一件配得合牌魚門洞座樣持進，太監如意呈覽，奉旨：照樣准做欽此。於四月初十日員外郎四德庫掌五德將掐絲琺瑯奔巴瓶一件配得座持進，交太監如意呈進，交淳化軒訖。13 通過梳理檔案知曉，掐絲琺瑯奔巴瓶或壺在乾隆朝製作數量極少，從乾隆二十年（1755年）到四十二年（1777年）的二十餘年間，陸續製作了15件。檢閱公私收藏，此類銅胎掐絲琺瑯奔巴瓶亦十分稀有，僅見於少數重要博物館及個人收藏。北京故宮珍藏一件乾隆款掐絲琺瑯奔巴瓶。14 台北故宮珍藏兩件乾隆款掐絲琺瑯奔巴瓶（故琺01.11.000016和中琺000338）。15 西藏日喀則紮什倫布寺藏有一件與本品造型紋飾完全相同，同為乾隆時期仿宣德風格的琺瑯奔巴瓶。16 應與檔案中關於賞賜西藏方面內容有關，之後一直保留於寺中。大英博物館藏有一件定為宣德時期的琺瑯奔巴瓶（編號：BM 1977.0718.1），來源於英國著名的中國藝術收藏家迦納爵士。迦納爵士為紀念其好友大英博物館東方藝術部主管 Douglas Barrett 先生的退休，於1977年捐贈給大英博物館。17 台灣著名收藏樂從堂，藏有一件宣德時期纏枝蓮紋賁巴瓶，曾於2018年9月展覽於香港蘇富比拍賣會現場，為目前已知唯一的私人收藏。18 藏傳佛教備受清代皇家的推崇，特別是乾隆皇帝弘曆更是將其推至極致。紫禁城及皇家苑囿有很多大大小小的佛堂，著名的有雨花閣、寶相樓、佛日樓、梵華樓等，如今仍保留著二百多年前的陳設，樓上樓下皆按照藏傳佛教禮儀擺放各種佛像、唐卡、祭法器、供器，莊重而帶有神秘色彩。梵華樓和寶相樓內十二座掐絲琺瑯喇嘛塔高大而恢宏，雨花閣內巨大的掐絲琺瑯壇城，標誌著琺瑯工藝的成熟與精美，林林總總的掐絲琺瑯巴令、五供、七珍和八寶，皆各美其美。莊嚴神聖的佛堂不僅是對藏傳佛教的尊崇，也是乾隆朝各種精美工藝品彙聚之地。乾隆皇帝為了做好這些祭器、供器頗為用心用力。不僅親自設計、審定畫樣、提出修改要求，並指定擺放地點和位置。用今天的語言解釋，就是事必躬親，認真仔細，每一個環節與細節必須到位。對掐絲琺瑯奔巴瓶的製作也不例外，有的要求加倍鍍金，19 有的要求三倍鍍金。20 配座刻「頭等」21 。掐絲琺瑯奔巴瓶主要用於賞賜和陳設。如同乾隆本人在二十八年（1763年）《清檔》中說的，「年節賞喇嘛用」。22 實際上，通過梳理雍正、乾隆兩朝《清檔》發現，從雍正三年（1725年）始，幾乎每年賞賜班禪23 、達賴24 各種禮物，以瓷器、玻璃器、琺瑯器居多。賞賜之外，奔巴瓶就是用於佛堂與宮殿陳設，紫禁城內的乾清宮、甯壽宮佛堂、養性殿、重華宮等，皇家苑囿的九洲清宴、淳化軒、永安寺等，這些地方皆是清代皇家重要場所。 以上梳理了與掐絲琺瑯奔巴瓶相關的製作檔案，使用功能以及目前所能查閱到的存世品。那麼本文介紹的這件作品是檔案中哪一年製作的呢？目前，我們能看到的以掐絲琺瑯工藝製作的奔巴瓶只有兩個朝代，即明代宣德和清代乾隆。而「景泰年製」款多見於宣德本朝器的後加款和康熙、乾隆朝的後加款及仿款。25 舉個例子說明一下，故宮博物院藏宣德風格的掐絲琺瑯纏枝蓮紋觚，底為十字形杵紋，其上為「大明景泰年製」款（圖四）。此觚底為後加，款及杵紋亦為後加。檔案之中「景泰款掐絲琺瑯奔巴瓶」極有可能是後加景泰款的宣德朝作品，乾隆作為標準樣式，再仿其風格另行製作。對比本品以及紮什倫布寺所藏乾隆朝仿宣德風格掐絲琺瑯奔巴瓶，很有可能乾隆三十一年（1766年）檔案中提到的兩件，即為本品和紮什倫布寺所藏的另一件。 仔細研讀乾隆三十一年檔案，可發現本文介紹的奔巴瓶應為乾隆三十一年下旨製作的兩件之一。理由如下：一，由《清檔》「催長四德、筆帖式五德來說太監胡世傑交景泰款掐絲琺瑯圓瓶一件（博古格）、景泰款掐絲琺瑯奔巴瓶一件。」可知，乾隆三十一年有一件「景泰款掐絲琺瑯奔巴瓶」舊藏清宮。據北京故宮藏品研究，部分永宣無款掐絲琺瑯器會後刻景泰款，且奔巴瓶目前僅見宣德及乾隆兩朝作品，故推斷，三十一年清宮舊藏景泰款掐絲琺瑯奔巴瓶為宣德本年琺瑯器。二，由《清檔》「傳旨：著按圓瓶尺寸照奔巴瓶樣式另燒造景泰款奔巴瓶一件，得時在博古格換擺。」記載可知，造辦處奉旨以清宮舊藏景泰款掐絲琺瑯奔巴瓶為本，模仿製作兩件奔巴瓶。此件拍品紋飾、造型、釉料多方面均具宣德風格，無疑是模仿一件宣德本年掐絲琺瑯奔巴瓶製作而成。 三，由《清檔》「於五月十五日郎中金輝、庫掌栢永吉將畫得掐絲琺瑯奔巴瓶紙樣一張交總管李裕呈覽，奉旨：照樣准做二件，內一件刻景泰款，一件刻乾隆款。」記載描述乾隆朝製作的兩件奔巴瓶一件刻景泰款，一件刻乾隆款。其中乾隆製作宣德風格刻景泰款奔巴瓶目前應藏於西藏日喀則的紮什倫布寺，遺憾的是底部缺失。其造型、紋飾、釉料與本拍品完全相同。故此乾隆款奔巴瓶拍品與紮什倫布寺所藏奔巴瓶應為乾隆三十一年檔案記載的所製作的兩件珍品。 奔巴瓶或奔巴壺的背後是滿、藏、漢多種文化融合的體現，掐絲琺瑯奔巴瓶的製作融進了乾隆皇帝的審美及對藏傳佛教文化的尊崇，瓶的造型莊重挺拔，琺瑯顏色與傳統的乾隆朝掐絲琺瑯釉色不同，26 儘量追摹宣德朝琺瑯釉色，蓮花的構圖也是追摹宣德朝紋樣。法國裝飾藝術博物館收藏的一件明宣德掐絲琺瑯三足盤的紋樣更接近乾隆模仿的蓮花（圖五）。27 在向經典致敬和挑戰自我方面，乾隆皇帝當之無愧。 2023年是癸卯兔年，乾隆弘曆出生於公元1711年（康熙五十年），屬相兔。今年恰逢香港蘇富比拍賣公司50周年慶典，僅以此篇小文賀喜。 1 中國第一歷史檔案館，香港中文大學文物館合編，《清宮內務府造辦處檔案總匯》，共55冊，北京，2005。 2 故宮博物院編，《故宮博物院藏清宮陳設檔案》，共45冊，北京，2013年。 3 鐵源，《清宮瓷器檔案全集》，共52冊，北京，2008年。 4 同註1，卷32，頁3。「乾隆三十三年油木作二月二十八日催長四德五德筆帖式富呢呀漢來說，太監胡世傑交掐絲琺瑯奔巴壺一件。（玉壺冰文供佛前）傳旨：著配雲瓣腿座。欽此。於三月十一日催長四德等將掐絲琺瑯奔巴瓶一件配得。交太監胡世傑呈進訖。」 5 王光堯、江建新主編，《明代洪武永樂御窰瓷器》，北京，2015年。「軍持，一名為梵語音譯，意為淨瓶或淨罐，原是印度的一種水器，後被佛教徒賦予宗教意義。在中國從隋唐到清代皆有，其造型隨著時代變化而風格各異。 6 故宮博物院這件藏品，很可能就是註7提到的乾隆二十年「金鑲松石奔巴壺一件」。 7 圖三為典型的乾隆時期掐絲琺瑯纏枝蓮紋圖案。 8 同註1，卷21，頁326。此條檔案記錄有誤，製作完成時間應為乾隆二十一年。原文誤寫為二十年。 9 同上註，卷28，頁508-9。 10 同上註，卷30，頁433-4。 11 同上註，卷33，頁661-2。 12 同上註，頁666-7。 13 同上註，卷40，頁319-20。文中高雲情是漱芳齋後殿。 14 李久芳主編，《故宮博物院藏文物珍品大系．金屬胎琺瑯器》，上海，2001年，頁110；圖三。 15 陳夏生，《明清琺瑯器展覽圖錄》，台北故宮博物院，1999年，圖版60。《謎樣景泰藍》，台北，2022年，頁192。 16 筆者見過實物圖片。 17 羅森，《The British Museum Book of Chinese Art》，倫敦，1992年，頁140。 18 曹興誠，《禮律寶藍：樂從堂藏重要掐絲琺瑯器》，香港蘇富比，2018年，頁26-27。 19 見註11。 20 見註10和12。 21 同註11，頁690-1。「乾隆三十五年二月初三日，廣木作。庫掌四德、五德來說太監胡世傑交掐絲琺瑯奔巴瓶一件（重華宮半圓桌），傳旨：著配紫檀木座，刻『頭等』。欽此。」 22 見註9。 23 同註1，卷1，頁524。「雍正三年木作，八月十八日總管太監張起麟交青花白地龍鳳蓋碗一對，黃瓷碗一對，宣窰霽紅把碗一件，有蓋玻璃壺一對，玻璃蓋碗一對。傳旨：著配做木箱盛裝賞斑産厄爾得呢。欽此。」 24 同上註，頁524。「雍正三年木作，八月二十五日果郡王內大臣兼都統拉喜交頭號白玻璃蓋碗二件，藍玻璃蓋碗二件，瓷胎琺瑯茶碗一件，琺瑯爐香盒匙箸瓶全分（份），玻璃花瓶一對，有蓋玻璃壺一對，玻璃蓋碗一對。奉旨：著做木箱盛裝，賞達喇喇嘛欽此。」 25 這裏不展開討論，景泰款掐絲琺瑯是琺瑯研究中最大的難點，我們正在研究解決中。筆者著。 26 參見圖三。 27 《Cloisonné: Chinese Enamels from the Yuan, Ming and Qing Dynasties》，紐約，2011年，頁37。

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1. 一般拍卖公司接受的付款方式有以下几种：
现金、信用卡、转账汇款、银行支票、个人支票以及PayPal支付。
使用PayPal支付时，请留意需要在账单金额的基础上额外加上 4% 的手续费。
2. 信用卡的种类有以下几种：
3. 转账汇款时请注意银行手续费
海外拍企会要求足额到账，所以请您在汇款时，选择足额到账，或在汇款金额的基础上加上汇款手续费（如25美金）。
4. 国际转账汇款时， 您需要知道海外拍卖行以下汇款信息：
* 收款人名称
* 收款人地址
* 收款人银行账号
* 收款银行国际编码（8位字母数字组合，必填项， 如： BFKKAT2K）
* 收款银行清算码（9位数字组合，选填项）
* 收款银行名称
* 收款银行地址
5. 运输相关事项
有的海外拍卖行会替您安排和协调运输， 您只需要支付相关的运费及保险费（如您需要）即可；有的海外拍卖行会推荐几家长期合作的运输公司， 这些运输公司有着良好的信誉和高质量的工作效率，您大可放心。您只需要提供您的收货地址， 竞得拍品账单。 运输公司会根据您提供的信息给您报价， 您可以在其中选择最优的报价者来承担运输任务。然后就是付款了， 信用卡是最常用的支付手段， 当然还有其他像PayPal，转账等。
6. 进口通关可能出现的关税
国际运送的包裹在进口清关过程中如需支付关税，需由包裹接受人（即买家）自行承担。 征收标准：具体征收标准和额度以海关通知和解释为准。
7. 禁拍拍品
海外拍卖会可能会出现中国法律禁止交易的物品，如枪支、管制刀具、象牙、犀角等；中国买家不得通过本平台参与上述物品的拍卖活动；任何情形下，买家均须对自己的竞拍行为独立承担责任。
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